Design and Shape of Tombs Found in Bukit Brown
Bukit Brown Cemetery showcases a diverse landscape of tomb designs, representative of differing ethnic and dialect-based traditions, familial structures and evolving cultural practices. Two of the most frequently seen design types are –
︎HOKKIEN-STYLE TOMBS These tombs typically feature an oval-shaped ring mound situated behind a centrally-positioned tombstone ensemble (which consists of the headstone, two tomb shoulders and an altar table). Angular low walls stretch out from both sides of the central tombstone, forming tomb arms that enclose a terraced space designated for ritual worship.
︎TEOCHEW-STYLE TOMB Such tombs are often laid out in an “armchair” configuration, with a centrally positioned headstone surrounded by a horseshoe-shaped wall. The tomb arms extending from both ends of the horse-shoe walls are typically curvilinear and mark out the space for ritual worship. The tomb mound sits behind the horseshoe-shaped wall and, unlike Hokkien tombs, is not encircled by a ring.
Some tombs also feature hybrid elements, shaped by cultural adaptations, personal preference(s), geomantic advice, and/or the living circumstances of the deceased or their family.
How to Read and Understand Chinese Tomb Headstone Inscription Layout
Located in a central position at each tomb, the headstone serves as the primary site of memory. The inscriptions on the headstone typically follow conventions that are at once formulaic and personal, in serving as indicators of a deceased individual’s cultural beliefs, family relationships and ancestral origins. Reading the inscriptions on a Chinese grave headstone therefore involves understanding both the placement of the text and the symbolism of each Chinese character used.
At the top of each tombstone, the deceased’s place of origin – e.g. their ancestral home province or their hometown – is typically inscribed. The main tombstone inscriptions, situated below the place of origin, are vertically aligned and divided into three main column sections.
The central column section, often inscribed in slightly larger characters, contains the name of the deceased. This typically begins with the family surname, followed by the given name. For men, the term "公 (GONG)" may appear before or after the name — an honorific loosely translated as "respected elder." For women, especially those of senior rank or married status, “妣 (BI)” may be used. This character denotes a deceased wife or matriarch. Other phrases at the bottom of the main inscription, such as “之墓 (ZHI MU)” or simply “墓 (MU),” translate to “the grave of” and mark the conclusion of the central epitaph.
On the right-most column section, the date of death is typically recorded, sometimes alongside the birth date. These dates are typically written using traditional Chinese lunar dates, with the name or numbering of the year based on the year naming in the traditional Chinese calendar, or based on the then-prevailing ruling system (e.g. the number of years a specific Chinese emperor has reigned, or the years since the formation of the Republic of China in 1911).
On the left-most column section, the names of the family members are recorded – usually the children/grandchildren of the deceased. These are listed either on the tomb shoulders or beneath the main inscription. Terms like “男 (NAN)” for son, “女 (NÜ)” for daughter, or “孫 (SUN)” for grandchild, often precede each name, reinforcing the Confucian virtue of filial piety. If space is limited, the names may be inscribed on the shoulders of the tombstone, or even on accompanying side tablets.
Below are some examples with annotations:
ARTEFACT NO. 40︎︎︎, Example of Chinese Tomb Headstone
At the top, the large characters note the ancestral origin of the deceased individual – in this case, 瓊州 QIÓNG ZHŌU (the historic name for modern-day 海南 Hainan Province). This would indicate that the deceased person derives from Hainan and may be ethnically Hainanese himself.
There is a singular central column section, which begins with the honorific title 顯考 XIĂN KĂO (“respected father”). The honorific word 諱 HUÌ has also been included in the name, meant to respectfully indicate the given name of the elder or father buried there (the given name being indicated by the word 號 HÀO). The phrase 之墓 ZHĪ MÙ (“the grave of”) anchors the name of the deceased individual at the base of the central column section.
The date of death is inscribed on the right-most column. Notably, the year is indicated in two styles – one modern, one traditional. The words 民國 MÍN GÚO has been used, indicating that this date took place during the years after the 1911 formation of the Republic of China. At the same time, the Chinese lunar calendar year 戊寅 WÙ YÍN has also been included below. The date systems inscribed thus give clues on the ongoing cultural transitions taking place in colonial Singaporean society, stradling between the modern “new” Republic of China and traditional Chinese cultural practices.
On the left-most column section, the names of the deceased individual’s many descendants, who erected (or 立 LÌ) the tomb on their elder’s behalf, are inscribed. Their titles and familial positions are indicated by gender and generational markers such as 男 NÁN (“sons”), 女 NǙ (“daughters”), and 孫 SŪN (“grandchildren”), highlighting the Confucian value of filial piety.
At the top, the large characters note the ancestral origin of the deceased individual – in this case, 瓊州 QIÓNG ZHŌU (the historic name for modern-day 海南 Hainan Province). This would indicate that the deceased person derives from Hainan and may be ethnically Hainanese himself.
There is a singular central column section, which begins with the honorific title 顯考 XIĂN KĂO (“respected father”). The honorific word 諱 HUÌ has also been included in the name, meant to respectfully indicate the given name of the elder or father buried there (the given name being indicated by the word 號 HÀO). The phrase 之墓 ZHĪ MÙ (“the grave of”) anchors the name of the deceased individual at the base of the central column section.
The date of death is inscribed on the right-most column. Notably, the year is indicated in two styles – one modern, one traditional. The words 民國 MÍN GÚO has been used, indicating that this date took place during the years after the 1911 formation of the Republic of China. At the same time, the Chinese lunar calendar year 戊寅 WÙ YÍN has also been included below. The date systems inscribed thus give clues on the ongoing cultural transitions taking place in colonial Singaporean society, stradling between the modern “new” Republic of China and traditional Chinese cultural practices.
On the left-most column section, the names of the deceased individual’s many descendants, who erected (or 立 LÌ) the tomb on their elder’s behalf, are inscribed. Their titles and familial positions are indicated by gender and generational markers such as 男 NÁN (“sons”), 女 NǙ (“daughters”), and 孫 SŪN (“grandchildren”), highlighting the Confucian value of filial piety.
ARTEFACT NO. 58︎︎︎, Example of Hokkien-Style Tomb Headstone
This tombstone offers a detailed portrait of identity and lineage through its inscriptions. At the top, the large characters note the ancestral origin of the deceased – in this case, a location called 後房 HÒU FÁNG. The central column section includes three columns, with the name of the deceased featured in the centre. The deceased individual’s name/title is precluded by the posthumous honorific title 顯考 XIĂN KĂO (“respected father”) and ends with 府君 FŬ JŪN (“respected elder”). What is notable is the names of his two wives listed on either side of the deceased individual, indicated by the words 妣 BĬ (“respected mother”) at the top of their name/title and 孺人 RÚ RÉN (“respected woman/wife”). These names are ended with the words 之佳城 ZHĪ JIĀ CHÉNG (“tomb of”), suggesting at least the husband, if not the husband and his two wives, were buried in the same plot.
The date of death is inscribed on the right-most column, with the words 民國 MÍN GÚO being an indicator that this date took place during the years after the 1911 formation of the Republic of China.
In the left-most column, the name of the descendant (in this case, a 孝男 XÌAO NÁN or “filial son”) has been included, indicating who was the one who erected (or 立 LÌ) the tomb on their elders’ behalf.
At the top, a carved scene of dragons suggests power and protection, evoking the symbolic strength often found in Chinese funerary art.
For more information on decorative carved elements on Chinese tombs, please see the “Decorative Carved Imagery︎︎︎” page.
Additonal Tombstones
This tombstone offers a detailed portrait of identity and lineage through its inscriptions. At the top, the large characters note the ancestral origin of the deceased – in this case, a location called 後房 HÒU FÁNG. The central column section includes three columns, with the name of the deceased featured in the centre. The deceased individual’s name/title is precluded by the posthumous honorific title 顯考 XIĂN KĂO (“respected father”) and ends with 府君 FŬ JŪN (“respected elder”). What is notable is the names of his two wives listed on either side of the deceased individual, indicated by the words 妣 BĬ (“respected mother”) at the top of their name/title and 孺人 RÚ RÉN (“respected woman/wife”). These names are ended with the words 之佳城 ZHĪ JIĀ CHÉNG (“tomb of”), suggesting at least the husband, if not the husband and his two wives, were buried in the same plot.
The date of death is inscribed on the right-most column, with the words 民國 MÍN GÚO being an indicator that this date took place during the years after the 1911 formation of the Republic of China.
In the left-most column, the name of the descendant (in this case, a 孝男 XÌAO NÁN or “filial son”) has been included, indicating who was the one who erected (or 立 LÌ) the tomb on their elders’ behalf.
At the top, a carved scene of dragons suggests power and protection, evoking the symbolic strength often found in Chinese funerary art.
For more information on decorative carved elements on Chinese tombs, please see the “Decorative Carved Imagery︎︎︎” page.
